Reflecting on my experiences, I recall a pivotal moment in 2018 when the concept of “semantic terrorism” emerged in my mind. It was the same year that I had a psychotic breakdown, leading to my involuntary commitment in a psychiatric ward for five days. I do not mean to imply that Trump’s presidency caused me to develop mental health issues. Of course, I had some personal challenges to contend with as well. I was dealing with a slap lawsuit from my abuser, going through a divorce, and struggling with substance abuse, particularly marijuana. Following my breakdown, I received the diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder and was heavily medicated.
After I was discharged from the hospital, I received a letter detailing my five-day hospitalization. The summary included a disheartening characterization of my speech as “pseudo-philosophical,” suggesting it was symptomatic of a thought disorder common among those with psychotic disorders (Sass & Parnas, 2017). This labeling felt dehumanizing and dismissive of my attempt to articulate the profound experiences I had undergone.
In contrast to this clinical perspective, I discovered an interview with Wouter Kusters, a Dutch linguist and philosopher who wrote extensively on madness and psychosis. Kusters challenges the conventional view that psychosis represents a deficit or disorder of thought, emphasizing instead that psychotic experiences can offer meaningful insights into human consciousness and existence (Aftab, 2022).
Kusters argues against reducing psychosis to mere disorder, asserting that such perspectives overlook the potential richness and existential depth of psychotic experiences. He critiques the tendency in psychiatry to pathologize these experiences as disturbances to be eliminated through medication or therapy, rather than exploring their philosophical and existential implications. His words validated my own feelings regarding my exploration of “semantic terrorism“, a term that emerged in my delusional mind during the time of the Trump administration.
The Trump Administration’s actions and rhetoric during this time contributed to widespread fear and anxiety among many, myself included. The prevalence of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and “fake news” exacerbated these feelings and created a sense of uncertainty and distrust in the political landscape. So, while one might dismiss my neologist, symbolic term of “semantic terrorism”, I choose, as part of my own recovery process, to delve deeper into what “semantic terrorism” might signify and how it reflected in my “pseudo-philosophical” expressions.
Of course, I was also diagnosed as suffering from “delusions of grandeur”. Therefore, I proceed cautiously as I delve into the theoretical roots of the term “semantic terrorism”. I do not claim to have discovered something new or to be unveiling a secret conspiracy. Instead, I acknowledge that I was using a personal language to express my distorted perception of reality at that time—a perception that was indeed delusional but intricately connected to the political and societal landscape of our times.
As I aim to explain, the concept of semantic terrorism draws heavily from Jean Baudrillard’s work, particularly “The Spirit of Terrorism”, published in 2002—before the rise of platforms like Facebook, Twitter (formerly X.com), Instagram, and TikTok. Thus, I suggest that “semantic terrorism”, apart from being dismissed as a “pseudo-philosophical term stemming from thought disorder”, might also encapsulate my personal impression of how “the spirit of terrorism” permeates the digital culture of our era.
In their analysis of Baudrillard’s views on terrorism, Codeluppi (2017) highlights how terrorism and media are inextricably linked, with the media providing the necessary platform for terrorism to achieve social visibility. Baudrillard extends his analysis to the concept of ‘symbolic exchange,’ which he elaborates in “Symbolic Exchange and Death” (1993). He argues that the symbolic, rather than uniting society, as theorists like Durkheim and Mauss believed, poses a challenge to it, undermining its very foundations. Baudrillard saw the terrorists’ sacrifice of their lives as a form of symbolic exchange that society cannot reciprocate, fundamentally differing from economic exchange (Codeluppi, 2017).
Baudrillard’s concept of the ‘end of the social’ posits that society has dissolved into a mass of undifferentiated individuals who refuse to engage as citizens or consumers, neutralizing meaning and fostering inertia. This mass, he argued, mirrors terrorism in its lack of clear objectives and meaning, existing as a defiance of sense and control (Baudrillard, 1983). This notion aligns with my experience of “semantic terrorism,” where the proliferation of misinformation and media saturation during the Trump era created a landscape where distinguishing reality from artifice became increasingly difficult.
Baudrillard contends that the media’s role in society has led to the ‘volatilization of the real,’ where signs and symbols lose their connection to physical reality, making it impossible for individuals to attribute intelligible meanings to them. This media-driven world, filled with representations and simulacra, erases the boundaries between the real and its representations, resulting in what Baudrillard calls the ‘Ecstasy of communication’—a state where the medium dominates and the message loses its significance (Codeluppi, 2017).
Baudrillard also argued that terrorism today exploits the tools and strategies of the dominant power, blending into society to such an extent that it becomes indistinguishable from it. This pervasive, viral nature of terrorism in the media-saturated world underscores the difficulty of discerning reality from simulation, a theme central to my conception of “semantic terrorism” (Baudrillard, 2002).
Therefore, while my term “semantic terrorism” may have emerged during a period of psychosis, its roots lie in a complex interplay of media, society, and individual perception. By drawing on Baudrillard’s theories, I aim to contextualize my experiences within broader socio-political dynamics, offering a lens through which to understand the impact of digital culture on our perception of reality.
Aftab, A. (2022). What Can Philosophy Learn From Madness?. Psychiatric Times, 39(1).
Sass, L., & Parnas, J. (2017). Thought Disorder, Subjectivity, and the Self. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 43(3), 497–502. https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbx032
Codeluppi, V. (2017). Jean Baudrillard and Terrorism. [Italian Sociological Review, 7 (4), 447-
462]
Retrieved from
[http://dx.doi.org/10.13136/isr.v7i4.205]
[DOI: 10.13136/isr.v7i4.205]
“semantic terrorism within the Israeli context
Exploring the Concept of “Semantic Terrorism”: A Personal Reflection and Theoretical Analysis
Reflecting on my experiences, I recall a pivotal moment in 2018 when the concept of “semantic terrorism” emerged in my mind. It was the same year that I had a psychotic breakdown, leading to my involuntary commitment in a psychiatric ward for five days. I do not mean to imply that Trump’s presidency caused me to develop mental health issues. Of course, I had some personal challenges to contend with as well. I was dealing with a slap lawsuit from my abuser, going through a divorce, and struggling with substance abuse, particularly marijuana. Following my breakdown, I received the diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder and was heavily medicated.
After I was discharged from the hospital, I received a letter detailing my five-day hospitalization. The summary included a disheartening characterization of my speech as “pseudo-philosophical,” suggesting it was symptomatic of a thought disorder common among those with psychotic disorders (Sass & Parnas, 2017). This labeling felt dehumanizing and dismissive of my attempt to articulate the profound experiences I had undergone.
In contrast to this clinical perspective, I discovered an interview with Wouter Kusters, a Dutch linguist and philosopher who wrote extensively on madness and psychosis. Kusters challenges the conventional view that psychosis represents a deficit or disorder of thought, emphasizing instead that psychotic experiences can offer meaningful insights into human consciousness and existence (Aftab, 2022).
Kusters argues against reducing psychosis to mere disorder, asserting that such perspectives overlook the potential richness and existential depth of psychotic experiences. He critiques the tendency in psychiatry to pathologize these experiences as disturbances to be eliminated through medication or therapy, rather than exploring their philosophical and existential implications. His words validated my own feelings regarding my exploration of “semantic terrorism”, a term that emerged in my delusional mind during the time of the Trump administration.
The Trump Administration’s actions and rhetoric during this time contributed to widespread fear and anxiety among many, myself included. The prevalence of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and “fake news” exacerbated these feelings and created a sense of uncertainty and distrust in the political landscape. So, while one might dismiss my neologist, symbolic term of “semantic terrorism”, I choose, as part of my own recovery process, to delve deeper into what “semantic terrorism” might signify and how it reflected in my “pseudo-philosophical” expressions.
Of course, I was also diagnosed as suffering from “delusions of grandeur”. Therefore, I proceed cautiously as I delve into the theoretical roots of the term “semantic terrorism”. I do not claim to have discovered something new or to be unveiling a secret conspiracy. Instead, I acknowledge that I was using a personal language to express my distorted perception of reality at that time—a perception that was indeed delusional but intricately connected to the political and societal landscape of our times.
As I aim to explain, the concept of semantic terrorism draws heavily from Jean Baudrillard’s work, particularly “The Spirit of Terrorism”, published in 2002—before the rise of platforms like Facebook, Twitter (formerly X.com), Instagram, and TikTok. Thus, I suggest that “semantic terrorism”, apart from being dismissed as a “pseudo-philosophical term stemming from thought disorder”, might also encapsulate my personal impression of how “the spirit of terrorism” permeates the digital culture of our era.
In their analysis of Baudrillard’s views on terrorism, Codeluppi (2017) highlights how terrorism and media are inextricably linked, with the media providing the necessary platform for terrorism to achieve social visibility. Baudrillard extends his analysis to the concept of ‘symbolic exchange,’ which he elaborates in “Symbolic Exchange and Death” (1993). He argues that the symbolic, rather than uniting society, as theorists like Durkheim and Mauss believed, poses a challenge to it, undermining its very foundations. Baudrillard saw the terrorists’ sacrifice of their lives as a form of symbolic exchange that society cannot reciprocate, fundamentally differing from economic exchange (Codeluppi, 2017).
Baudrillard’s concept of the ‘end of the social’ posits that society has dissolved into a mass of undifferentiated individuals who refuse to engage as citizens or consumers, neutralizing meaning and fostering inertia. This mass, he argued, mirrors terrorism in its lack of clear objectives and meaning, existing as a defiance of sense and control (Baudrillard, 1983). This notion aligns with my experience of “semantic terrorism,” where the proliferation of misinformation and media saturation during the Trump era created a landscape where distinguishing reality from artifice became increasingly difficult.
Baudrillard contends that the media’s role in society has led to the ‘volatilization of the real,’ where signs and symbols lose their connection to physical reality, making it impossible for individuals to attribute intelligible meanings to them. This media-driven world, filled with representations and simulacra, erases the boundaries between the real and its representations, resulting in what Baudrillard calls the ‘Ecstasy of communication’—a state where the medium dominates and the message loses its significance (Codeluppi, 2017).
Baudrillard also argued that terrorism today exploits the tools and strategies of the dominant power, blending into society to such an extent that it becomes indistinguishable from it. This pervasive, viral nature of terrorism in the media-saturated world underscores the difficulty of discerning reality from simulation, a theme central to my conception of “semantic terrorism” (Baudrillard, 2002).
Therefore, while my term “semantic terrorism” may have emerged during a period of psychosis, its roots lie in a complex interplay of media, society, and individual perception. By drawing on Baudrillard’s theories, I aim to contextualize my experiences within broader socio-political dynamics, offering a lens through which to understand the impact of digital culture on our perception of reality.
within the context of middle east and Israel
As one can imagine, the topic of “semantic terrorism” can be extremely triggering for me, as an Israeli who suffers from both schizoaffective disorder and PTSD. This expression, as I aimed to show in this post, is not detached from reality, even though its roots trace to disorganized speech during a psychotic episode. It hurts a lot to remember how and why I was having these kinds of thoughts. I felt as if I myself was targeted by “semantic terrorism” or personally a victim of it. Those were my own words in an attempt to process the traumatic experience. However, here are some references that I found that may help me validate my argument. I will provide this quote:
“The development in communication network technology has drastically changed the narration of the prolonged war in the Middle East. It has provided militant organizations, their supporters, and their enemies another platform to ignite their war in cyberspace. For instance, the rise of notorious organizations like ‘The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS or ISIL)’ and their online broadcasting of statements, horrific images, and videos, alongside a machine of supporters to recruit new fighters, provides insight into the impact of social media on militant organizations” (El Zein & Abusalem, 2015).
The Poison Machine: The Israeli Context
“Mechonat HaRa’al” (Hebrew: מכונת הרעל) is an Israeli term referring to a mechanism that spreads disinformation, incitement, and fake news against political opponents, metaphorically likened to a dedicated machine producing poison. The term originated in the early 21st century among critics of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.
Characteristics and Operations
“Mechonat HaRa’al” is described as a complex network of real users, bots, and sock puppet accounts that propagate messages supporting Benjamin Netanyahu and his political dominance. This mechanism allegedly aims to influence public opinion by disseminating partial or false information, disinformation, and conspiracy theories. Its goals include undermining public trust in mainstream media, deepening divisions between political camps in Israel, particularly targeting right-wing supporters, and solidifying support for Netanyahu’s ideas and initiatives.
Targets and Platforms
Critics claim that “Mechonat HaRa’al” targets a broad spectrum of individuals and entities, including:
- Political figures
- Judicial officials
- Public servants
- Media entities
- Security personnel
- Cultural figures
- Civil organizations
- Activists
- Public opinion leaders
Messages from this mechanism are spread across various platforms, including social media networks like WhatsApp, Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok, as well as internet sites and communication channels. These messages often include supportive content for Netanyahu and his family, as well as defamatory and conspiratorial content aimed at his opponents.
Political Impact
The term gained significant traction during Israel’s political crisis from 2019 to 2022. Prominent political figures, such as Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, have criticized the alleged tactics of “Mechonat HaRa’al,” attributing its operations to efforts that undermine democratic norms and public trust.
Right-wing critics accuse “Mechonat HaRa’al” of spreading lies and then expecting targets to disprove them, using online social networks to amplify misleading claims. Conversely, figures on the left have faced similar allegations of operating their own versions of “Mechonat HaRa’al” to attack political opponents.
Broader Implications and Semantic Terrorism
The controversy surrounding “Mechonat HaRa’al” highlights broader concerns about the weaponization of information and disinformation in contemporary politics. This phenomenon reflects a global trend where digital platforms play a pivotal role in shaping public discourse and political outcomes. Within the context of semantic terrorism, “Mechonat HaRa’al” can be seen as a tool of strategic narrative control and psychological warfare.
Semantic terrorism refers to the deliberate manipulation of language and information to distort reality, create confusion, and undermine the credibility of opponents. By spreading disinformation and conspiracy theories, entities like “Mechonat HaRa’al” engage in semantic terrorism to erode trust in established institutions and media. This practice exacerbates societal divisions and destabilizes democratic processes by creating parallel realities where facts are contested and truth becomes a matter of perspective.
In Israel, the use of semantic terrorism by “Mechonat HaRa’al” has intensified political polarization, making it increasingly difficult for citizens to discern objective truths. The deliberate spread of misleading narratives and false information undermines public confidence in the media, judiciary, and political institutions. This tactic not only supports the political agenda of its proponents but also weakens the foundations of democratic governance by fostering cynicism and apathy among the populace.
Globally, the rise of semantic terrorism highlights the critical need for media literacy and robust mechanisms to counteract disinformation. As digital platforms continue to influence public opinion, understanding and addressing the tactics of semantic terrorism becomes essential to preserving democratic values and ensuring informed civic engagement
References:
- El Zein, Hatem & Abusalem, Ali. (2015). Social Media and War on Gaza: A Battle on Virtual Space to Galvanise Support and Falsify Israel Story. Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications. 1. 119-129. 10.30958/ajmmc.1-2-2.
- Stein, Rebecca L. “StateTube: Anthropological Reflections on Social Media and the Israeli State.” Anthropological Quarterly 85, no. 3 (2012): 893–916.
Codeluppi, Vanni. (2017). Jean Baudrillard and terrorism. Italian Sociological Review. 7. 447-462. 10.13136/isr.v7i4.205.
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